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UN for Men Too · article
Norwegian law gives a residence order two ways to be enforced. It gives a contact order one, and the statute says only.
A legislature can create a right and still leave it weaker than the right beside it. This is one sentence of Norwegian statute, what the European Court has repeatedly found about enforcing it, and the fact that nobody counts whether it works.
Section 65 of the Norwegian Children Act deals with enforcement. Two consecutive sentences do the work.
Norwegian law distinguishes between where a child lives permanently and when a child sees the other parent. Both can be settled by a court or by an enforceable agreement. Both can be broken.
What differs is what happens next.
Avgjerd eller avtale med tvangskraft om foreldreansvar og kvar barnet skal bu fast, kan tvangsfullførast ved henting eller tvangsbot. Avgjerd eller avtale med tvangskraft om samværsrett kan berre tvangsfullførast ved tvangsbot.
In English: a decision or enforceable agreement about parental responsibility and where the child is to live may be enforced by collection of the child or by a coercive fine. A decision or enforceable agreement about contact may be enforced only by a coercive fine.
Two remedies attach to one order. One attaches to the other, and it is the weaker of the two. The word carrying that is berre. Only.
The safeguards in the same provision are correct and this piece is not asking for them to go. No fine may be imposed where contact is impossible, expressly including where there is a risk the child is exposed to violence or to harm to physical or mental health. The child must be heard, weighted by age and maturity. Enforcement shall not take place against the child's will.
Any argument that reads as wanting children retrieved by force against their wishes is both wrong and self-defeating, and this is not one.
The statute is sex-neutral on its face. The distribution of who holds each order is not.
A remedy that attaches to one kind of order rather than another is only interesting if you know who holds which. Statistics Norway asked, in its Samvær og bosted survey of 2020.
Previously cohabiting or married parents. From the Samvær og bosted 2020 survey.
Lives permanently with mother49%
Shared residence43%
up from 25 per cent in 2012
Lives permanently with father7%
described by SSB as still low
SSB Rapporter 2022/53, Delt bosted for barn etter samlivsbrudd
Sole residence sits with the mother about seven times as often as with the father. So the order that carries two enforcement remedies falls overwhelmingly to mothers, and the order that carries only the weaker one falls correspondingly to fathers.
Two things have to be said immediately, because leaving either out would make this piece worse.
These are arrangements reported in a survey, not court orders. Most separated parents never go near a court, and section 65 governs enforcement of decisions and enforceable agreements, which is a smaller and different population. We could not find the court-ordered distribution, and Norway's own men's equality commission records that the data is not kept.
And the picture is moving, fast, in one direction. Shared residence went from 25 per cent in 2012 to 43 per cent in 2020, while sole residence with mothers fell from 62 to 49. That is a large shift in eight years and it does not describe a system frozen in place.
A fine is the only remedy. The European Court has repeatedly found that the remedy did not deliver.
The standard is not in dispute. Under Article 8 the question is whether national authorities took all the steps to facilitate contact that could reasonably be demanded of them. That is a positive obligation, and states have been found in breach of it.
Two orders, no visits. That is the Italian case in four words, and it is what a right looks like when the machinery behind it does not move.
None of these judgments says the sex of the parent decided the outcome, and this piece does not say it either. They say the state failed to enforce, and in each of them the parent who was not enforced for was the father.
This is where the enforcement gap meets every other finding on this site.
How often is a court-ordered contact right simply not delivered? In Norway and Denmark the honest answer is that nobody knows, because nobody publishes it.
Sources checked for whether contact enforcement outcomes are counted anywhere.
Denmark, case volumes and processing times1 published
Familieretshuset annual report
Norway, detailed district court outcomesnot published
NOU 2024:8 section 4.4.9 records that these are not kept
Norway, count of coercive fines in contact casesnot published
none found published
ECtHR, violations broken down by sexnot published
the Violations by Article and by State table has no sex column
NOU 2024:8; Familieretshuset annual report 2023; ECtHR Violations by Article and by State
So the question cannot be answered from published data in either country, and the court that keeps finding the violations does not record the sex of who suffered them.
There is one more document worth holding up. Norway's mandated guideline for court-appointed expert assessment in parental disputes, issued by Bufdir on commission from the Ministry of Children and Families, was searched in full. Article 8 appears zero times. EMK appears zero times. EMD appears zero times.
That is the convention article under which Norway is judged in Strasbourg for failing to enforce contact, absent from the guideline that governs how these cases are assessed.
We are not going to tell you why. We do not know why, and guessing would be the easiest way to lose an argument that does not need it.
The ask here is smaller than the finding. Count it. Publish how many coercive fines are sought and granted in contact cases, and what happened next.
A right that nobody measures the delivery of is a right on paper, and paper is exactly where several parents in Strasbourg found theirs.
There is a UN Women. There is no UN Men. This is the ask, and it takes one tap.
— voices so far · one tap, anonymous, no signup
By a coercive fine and nothing else. Barnelova section 65 states that a decision or enforceable agreement on contact can only be enforced by tvangsbot. A decision on where the child lives can be enforced by collection of the child or by a fine.
Not on its face. It attaches different remedies to two kinds of order, without reference to sex. The effect is uneven because the orders are unevenly distributed: in Norway in 2020, 49 per cent of children of separated parents lived permanently with their mother and 7 per cent with their father, with 43 per cent in shared residence.
Repeatedly. In Terna v. Italy (2021) courts ordered visits twice and social services never organised them. In Ribić v. Croatia (2015) proceedings and enforcement ran 13 years and 11 months and the father saw his son three times before adulthood. Both were Article 8 violations.
Nobody knows. Norway does not keep detailed statistics on parental disputes decided in its district courts, by the account of its own government commission (NOU 2024:8, section 4.4.9). Denmark reports case volumes and processing times rather than outcomes. The European Court's own violations table has no sex breakdown.
A count. Publish how many coercive fines are sought and granted in contact cases and what followed. If the remedy works, that table will show it.
The first test is a number. How many tvangsbot are applied for and granted in contact cases in Norway each year? If a court administration holds it, publishing it would settle in one table whether the only available remedy is used at all.
The second is the court-ordered distribution of residence and contact by sex, as opposed to the survey arrangements this piece uses. NOU 2024:8 says the data is not kept, so this may require collecting it rather than finding it.
The third would change our mind about the framing. If the fine is routinely sought and routinely granted and contact routinely follows, then the remedy works and the problem is elsewhere. Nobody can currently show that either way, which is the point.
Both are UN documents, both are public, and both are linked here directly rather than described. Read them yourself. That is the point of putting them at the top of their own section instead of at the bottom of a reference list.
barnelova § 65 Lov om barn og foreldre, section 65 Tvangsfullføring in force Open the PDF on un.org → Rapporter 2022/53 Delt bosted for barn etter samlivsbrudd, SSB 16 December 2022 Open the PDF on un.org →This section is part of the article, not an appendix to it. It records where each figure came from, what was checked, and every place where the honest version of a claim is weaker than the version that would have read better.
Every figure in this article also appears in the register, with its exact value and primary source, and any correction to it will appear in the corrections log with the date it was made.