UN for Men Too
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The evidence
UN for Men Too · article
Women receive a smaller pension. Men receive it for fewer years. One of those has a name, a dataset code and a place in EU social reporting.
Two things are true about sex and retirement in Europe and both come from the same statistical office. Only one of them is an indicator. The third thing in this piece is the one that cuts against us, and we checked it before writing the rest.
It is measured, it is published annually, and it is large.
Eurostat maintains a dataset called Average gender pension gap by age group. It has a code, ilc_pnp13, an age breakdown, a country breakdown and a place in European social reporting. Anyone can open it.
For the EU27 in 2023, among people aged 65 to 74, women's average pension was 24.0 per cent lower than men's.
How much lower women's average pension is than men's, as Eurostat measures and publishes it.
Netherlands39.9%
Sweden27.4%
Germany27.4%
France27.2%
Italy26.4%
EU2724%
Spain23.7%
Finland22.4%
Norway21.4%
Poland18.3%
Denmark0.5%
Eurostat, ilc_pnp13, average gender pension gap by age group
That is a serious number and this piece does not dispute a decimal of it. Nothing here asks for a smaller pension for anyone.
The question is only what else sits beside it, measured with the same care, by the same office, from data it already holds.
It takes one subtraction, from two numbers Eurostat already publishes.
A pension is an amount per year, and it is also a number of years. The first is measured. The second is not.
Eurostat publishes life expectancy at 65 by sex. For the EU27 in 2023 it was 21.8 years for women and 18.3 for men. At the same retirement age, that is about three and a half fewer years of pension for a man.
Life expectancy at age 65, EU27, from Eurostat's own life tables.
Women21.8 years
years remaining at 65
Men18.3 years
years remaining at 65
Eurostat, hlth_hlye, life expectancy in absolute value at 65
There is no indicator for this. No dataset code, no target, no age breakdown built around it, nothing indexed against it in European social reporting. It is a subtraction anybody could do and nobody has been asked to do.
Statistics Norway is the same. Its table catalogue returns pensioners by sex, and nothing when you search it for expected pension years or pension duration.
Say precisely what is and is not being claimed. Eurostat does not refuse to publish this. It publishes both halves of it. What does not exist is anyone reading the pension question against the mortality one.
Before writing any of the above we checked the figure most likely to undo it. It undid a good deal of it.
The tempting next sentence, and the one we were going to write, is that men get fewer good years of retirement. Eurostat publishes healthy life years at 65 as well, so it can be checked rather than assumed.
Life expectancy at 65 split into years in good health and years in poor health.
Women, years in poor health12.2 years
Men, years in poor health9.1 years
Women, healthy life years9.6 years
Men, healthy life years9.2 years
Eurostat, hlth_hlye, healthy life years and life expectancy at 65
Healthy life years at 65 are 9.2 for men and 9.6 for women. A gap of four tenths of a year. Women's extra three and a half years are almost entirely years in poor health, not extra healthy retirement.
So the welfare version of this argument is close to false and this piece does not make it. Men do not get meaningfully fewer healthy years of retirement. They get almost exactly the same number.
What survives is narrower and still true. A man draws his pension for about three and a half fewer years, whatever the health status of those years, because a payment does not care how you feel while receiving it.
And the check turned up something better than what it removed. The familiar line that women outlive men is, after 65, largely a statement about years in poor health. That is a fact about both sexes, it is nobody's talking point, and neither the pension gap nor the life expectancy gap will tell you on its own.
It also sharpens the point rather than blunting it. Eurostat has published healthy life years for two decades. The data was never the problem.
If the two gaps were the same thing, closing one would move the other. Denmark shows they are not.
Denmark's gender pension gap in 2023 was 0.5 per cent. For practical purposes it is closed, and it is the only country in this comparison where that is true. It took decades of deliberate policy and it worked.
Danish men still draw their pension for 2.8 fewer years than Danish women.
The two gaps, side by side, in the country that solved one of them.
EU27, pension gap24
per cent lower for women
Denmark, pension gap0.5
per cent lower for women, effectively closed
EU27, years fewer for men3.4
years of pension receipt
Denmark, years fewer for men2.8
years of pension receipt, essentially unchanged
Solving one gap did nothing to the other. That is the clearest available demonstration that they are different quantities, and that only one of them is being managed.
Not because anyone decided the other did not matter. Because one of them is an indicator with a name, and the other is an arithmetic operation nobody performs.
This piece asks for one table. Where a statistics office already publishes pension income by sex, and already publishes life expectancy by sex, publish the years of receipt alongside them.
It would cost a subtraction. The reason it has not happened is not cost, and it is not data. It is that nobody has been asked, because there is no column for the question.
There is a UN Women. There is no UN Men. This is the ask, and it takes one tap.
— voices so far · one tap, anonymous, no signup
The difference between men's and women's average pensions. Eurostat publishes it as a named indicator, dataset ilc_pnp13. For the EU27 in 2023, among people aged 65 to 74, women's average pension was 24.0 per cent lower than men's. It ranges from 0.5 per cent in Denmark to 39.9 per cent in the Netherlands.
Yes. Eurostat's life tables give life expectancy at 65 as 18.3 years for men and 21.8 for women across the EU27 in 2023. At the same retirement age that is about 3.4 fewer years of pension for a man. There is no Eurostat indicator for this; it is one subtraction from two published figures.
No, and this is the part most people get wrong. Healthy life years at 65 are 9.2 for men and 9.6 for women, a gap of 0.4 years. Women's extra 3.5 years of life after 65 are almost entirely years in poor health. The payment gap is real; the healthy-retirement gap is not.
No. Denmark's gender pension gap is 0.5 per cent, effectively closed, and Danish men still draw their pension for 2.8 fewer years. The two are independent quantities.
One table. Where a statistics office already publishes pension income by sex and life expectancy by sex, publish the expected years of receipt alongside them. It costs a subtraction from data already collected.
The first test is whether any national pension authority publishes expected years of receipt by sex. Statistics Norway's catalogue does not, on the terms we searched. We have not checked every country and we are not going to claim we have.
The second is actuarial. State pension schemes certainly model male and female drawing periods internally, because they could not be funded otherwise. The question is whether any of them publishes it, and a reader inside one of those bodies would know in a minute what took us a day to fail to find.
The third is the one that would change our mind. If healthy life years at 65 diverge sharply between the sexes in some countries even though they are near-equal across the EU27, the welfare argument we dropped might hold somewhere specific. We looked at the EU aggregate. Somebody should look country by country.
Both are UN documents, both are public, and both are linked here directly rather than described. Read them yourself. That is the point of putting them at the top of their own section instead of at the bottom of a reference list.
ilc_pnp13 Average gender pension gap by age group 2023 data Open the PDF on un.org → hlth_hlye Healthy life years by sex, including life expectancy at 65 2023 data Open the PDF on un.org →This section is part of the article, not an appendix to it. It records where each figure came from, what was checked, and every place where the honest version of a claim is weaker than the version that would have read better.
Every figure in this article also appears in the register, with its exact value and primary source, and any correction to it will appear in the corrections log with the date it was made.